Fatphobia and Racism in Dance: The Impact of Aesthetics

          Dance occupies a unique space in the athletic-arts continuum and requires dancers to excel in both athletics and aesthetics. The centrality of aesthetics in dance, while a defining feature of the sport, proves problematic when they are rooted in ideals of whiteness and thinness. This Eurocentric understanding of dance aesthetics is pervasive throughout many styles of dance, especially American ballet, which operates according to Western norms. The pressure dancers face to achieve the Eurocentric, aestheticized body while also improving their technique, strength, and fluidity often fosters body policing behaviors, body dissatisfaction, and fatphobic and racist attitudes. In order to diversify the world of dance, it is necessary to acknowledge the harm of the white, thin aesthetic on dancers, especially those who are fat and non-white, as well as engage in resistance against discrimination in dance.

 

Bodily Surveillance and Fatphobia in Dance

          For nearly a century, fatness in America has been heavily stigmatized and understood as the antithesis of value, desire, and discipline. The attribution of negative characteristics such as laziness or greed onto those with larger bodies, as well as the understanding that existence in a marginalized body renders one entirely undesirable, has spurred an inescapable and widespread fear of fatness (Gardiner 2020). Women are especially vulnerable to this fear of fatness through their exposure to societal pressures, beauty standards, and the male gaze, all of which emphasize the intolerability of massiveness or abundance in a woman’s body (Bartky 1997). The disparately gendered pressure to achieve a lean figure has not eased in recent decades, and some scholars, including Weitz (1998), argue that the pressure on women to conform to beauty standards has increased considerably.

          Dance companies and professionals are not immune to the societal expectation of thinness, nor are they relieved of accountability from perpetuating fatphobia. In fact, due to the importance of aesthetics in dance, many dancers have found themselves in an environment that fosters bodily surveillance, body image issues, and fatphobic attitudes. A common yet rarely discussed facilitator of dancers’ body policing practices is the presence of floor to ceiling mirrors in practice spaces, which renders the body as hyper visible. Dancers self-correct, implement instructors’ feedback, and adjust their body in comparison to their peers through the use of mirrors, often gazing at their bodies through a lens of disapproval and a desire to correct. While mirrors can play a critical role in dancers’ ability to improve their technique and the plasticity of their performance, mirrors often come at the cost of increased bodily critiques and policing. The presence of mirrors also differentiates dance from the majority of other sports, where players are typically critiqued for their technique or form in relation to another object, such as a volleyball or a hockey stick. For dancers, their bodies alone create their performance and their sport, which they incessantly face in the mirror, vulnerable to criticism and dissatisfaction.

          Dancers are also prone to bodily surveillance through their desire to achieve a technically strong yet fluid performance. By training to improve their technique, strength, and stamina, dancers ultimately strive for “maximum artistic and visual expression,” which is typically analogous to movement plasticity or fluidity (Cardoso et al. 2021:18). The desire to execute technically challenging combinations in a way that appears effortless and graceful often encourages dancers to achieve and maintain low body weight, as many dance professionals and companies perpetuate the idea that a greater range of motion can be best executed with a leaner figure (Cardoso et al. 2021).

          The regularity of bodily surveillance that dancers engage in through mirrors and the desire for movement plasticity, and the accompanying pressure to have low body mass, constitutes the ultimate recipe for body image dissatisfaction. A qualitative study among professional Brazilian ballroom dancers found support for the pervasive nature of body dissatisfaction in dancers and highlighted the potential severity of its consequences. The study found that among its over 300 participants, the majority reported being dissatisfied with their bodies due to their belief that they were overweight (Cardoso et al. 2021). This sentiment was especially prevalent among female dancers, and women were also 96% less likely than men to be dissatisfied due to their belief that they were underweight (Cardoso et al. 2021). This finding has widespread, harmful implications given that over 70% of the dance world is made up of women and femme-presenting individuals, and upholds the idea that women are disparately subject to the tyranny of slenderness (Zippia 2022b). Although this study solely focused on Brazilian ballroom dancers, the findings of Cardoso et al. (2021) substantiate those of other studies on different styles of dance like jazz, contemporary, and ballet, where the majority of dancers also reported being dissatisfied due to their belief that they were overweight.

          This study also found a relationship between dissatisfaction with the perception of being overweight and eating disorders, and found evidence that dancers are exceedingly susceptible to embody this dissatisfaction and to exhibit eating disorder symptoms (Cardoso et al. 2021). Cardoso et al. (2021) also found that eating disorder symptoms and the dissatisfaction with feeling overweight were 28% more likely to be found in women than men, which further emphasizes the impact of gendered social pressures. Dancers’ susceptibility to body image issues and disordered eating can have serious consequences on dancers’ physical and mental health, especially since they are in a profession where they routinely exert a great deal of energy, and likely contributes to the standardization of fatphobic beliefs and practices.

          An environment that normalizes body dissatisfaction and critiquing dancers’ bodies by the self and others often fosters fatphobic attitudes. The normalization of criticizing one’s body through mirrors and correcting one’s body to achieve maximum visual expression regularizes judging the body, finding the “flaws” in the body, and working to improve the body. The incessant critiquing of bodies, notably by instructors, who comment on everything from pinky finger placement to facial expressions to overall aesthetics, further normalizes judging the body in order to improve it physically and aesthetically. In this type of environment where the body is constantly evaluated, the line between working hard to hone one’s craft and working hard to achieve a slender figure becomes blurred. Elements of control and discipline often transcend the technical aspects of dance and apply to the purely aesthetic presentation of the body, so dancers often find themselves in an environment where not only “control and mastery of movement are valued, but the ability to control weight is considered a virtue” (Wiederholt 2021). This ultimately positions dancers with larger bodies as individuals who do not work as hard or take the sport as seriously as leaner dancers, and fosters fatphobic attitudes in relation to larger dancers’ perceived incompatibility with discipline and self-control (Cardinal et al. 2014). As a result, many dancers with larger body sizes experience ridicule in practice spaces, are promptly cut from auditions, and are told that they are unfit for professional opportunities due to their failure to conform to the thin white aesthetic standard.

 

The Relationship Between Fatphobia and Racism

          Fatphobia has prevailed throughout history and is crucial to contextualize in relation to racism. Fatness has historically been a marker of low status on gender and racial hierarchies, so Black women have been disproportionately targeted by negative stereotypes surrounding fatness (LeBesco 2015). This relationship between fatphobia and racism was particularly prominent in the 19th century when people with larger body sizes, especially those of color, were categorized as less evolved than thin white people (Farrell 2011). Fatness was also often understood in terms of primitivity versus civilization, which furthered the oppressive intersection of size and race by suggesting that individuals with larger bodies and/or non-white skin were less civilized (Farrell 2011). By contextualizing larger bodies and their historical relation to race, it is clear that fatphobia has disproportionately attacked Blackness and that neither fatphobia nor racism can be fully understood without the other.

          In the dance world, the racist connotations of fatness have overwhelmingly targeted Black dancers, especially those who are women. For over a century, Black dancers were routinely excluded from dance companies and other professional opportunities because of their Blackness and its association with fatness. Pervasive stereotypes that Black women’s bodies were curvaceous and untamable deemed them inadequate for the pursuit of many styles of dance and facilitated their exclusion (Robinson 2021). Professionals in the dance world also often demonized the Black body and certain body parts that rendered them unfit to dance, such as a “too-stocky bone structure, protruding buttocks, and feet that were too flat and too large,” as a means to justify their ostracism (Robinson 2021:498). Ballet was arguably the dance genre that enabled race- and size-based discrimination the most, largely because of its reputation as an elite white space and its tendency to racialize the bodies of Black individuals as not fitting the “look” required for ballet (Robinson 2021). Fatness has been and remains inextricably linked to other identities such as race, gender, and class, so Black female dancers’ disproportionate exposure to fatphobia and racism cannot be overlooked.

 

Racism in Dance: An Emphasis on Ballet

          American ballet was heavily impacted by Black culture, with numerous infamous dance professionals shaping the sport through Black influence (Robinson 2021). George Balanchine, one of the founders of American ballet in the early- to mid-20th century, drew inspiration from the speed and timing in Black jazz to differentiate American ballet from European ballet (Yancy 1998). While Balanchine quickly rose to fame due to “his” genius, Black culture and Black people were never explicitly credited for their integral role in the Americanization of ballet (Yancy 1998). Not only was Black culture not acknowledged for its role in American ballet, but during Balanchine’s time, Black individuals were systematically excluded from dance spaces, especially ballet, due to legal and social barriers. Segregation, Jim Crow laws, and white hostility made it nearly impossible for Black individuals to attend quality dance studios and pursue dance professionally (Patton 2011). Stereotypical and derogatory depictions of Black women as sensual and impure also promoted the exclusion of Black women from dance spaces, especially ballet. This is largely because the ideal ballerina was expected to embody traits that were associated with whiteness and incompatible with Blackness, such as purity, elegance, sophistication, and a sense of fragility (Angyal 2021).

          The legacy of Jim Crow and segregation still impacts dance studios and companies today. According to data from the Census Bureau, nearly 50% of all dancers in the United States are white compared to 12.5% of dancers who are Black (Zippia 2022b). This white-Black ratio is even more skewed when specifically looking at ballet, where in 2019, there were over five times the number of white ballet dancers compared to Black ballet dancers (Zippia 2022a). Although ballet and dance in general has been diversifying in recent years, dancers of color are still up against an industry that is predominantly white and homogeneous. And while there are no longer legal barriers for Black individuals to be a part of dance studios and companies, race-based practices and forms of discrimination are still prevalent and significantly shape the experiences of dancers of color.

          A common way that racism thrives in the dance world today is through racial tracking. Racial tracking is where young dancers of color are “tracked” out of stereotypically white dance genres like ballet and steered toward styles of dance that are seen as more suitable for minorities, like contemporary (Patton 2011). Racial tracking is particularly impactful at excluding dancers of color from ballet, and small numbers of minorities in ballet are then explained away by myths such as that “minority dancers are not interested or talented enough to perform ballet, and that the minority body is just too different to be normalized into ballet” (Patton 2011:114).

          Racial tracking also operates through the types of roles that dancers of color are pressured to play. In the Nutcracker, for example, white ballet dancers often claim the lead roles of Marie and the Sugar Plum Fairy, while dancers of color, particularly Black ballet dancers, are given the role of the Arabian Princess (Robinson 2021). Despite the multitude and variety of characters in the Nutcracker, a qualitative study of Black ballerinas found that 60% of participants were cast as the Arabian Princess. (Robinson 2021). Robinson (2021) argues that the stereotypical idea of Black women as sexualized and exotic plays a substantial role in the typecasting of Black women as the Arabian Princess, whose movements are mostly slow and sensual. This type of racial tracking is closely related to controlling images, which are images of a marginalized group perpetuated by a dominant group that are used to justify oppression (Collins 1990). A common controlling image of Black women depicts them as jezebels, which has contributed to their sexualization and possibly their prevalence of being pushed into the role of the Arabian Princess (Robinson 2021).

          Racism also thrives in American ballet today by ignoring and othering the Black body in seemingly mundane aspects of the sport. Ballet tights, leotards, and pointe shoes are overwhelmingly available in a beigey, light pink color, which closely resembles the skin tone of white dancers, while Black dancers and dancers of color have minimal garment options that closely match their skin tone. This deference to whiteness in ballet garment offerings is a telling display of white privilege, where white dancers do not think twice about their options while Black dancers are left to customize these garments to their othered body. As a result, many dancers of color are forced to dye their tights and leotards and seek out pointe shoe companies that offer a wider array of colors in order to comply with the white dress code (Robinson 2021). Even finding an inclusive pointe shoe company can prove to be difficult because although pointe shoes originated nearly two centuries ago, it was not until 2017 that some brands began to produce tights and pointe shoes for darker skin tones (Robinson 2021).

          Due to the limited availability of options for those with non-white skin, ballerinas of color are forced to perform additional labor that comes with financial and emotional burdens (Robinson 2021). While non-white ballet dancers purchase fabric dye, research inclusive pointe shoe companies, and emotionally process why their bodies are systematically excluded from the dance world, white dancers face no obstacles in obtaining proper ballet attire or feeling desired by the dance community. Through the recognition that white privilege and racism operate even in seemingly mundane aspects of dance such as tights and pointe shoes, it should become evident that discrimination in ballet is pervasive and in need of address.

 

Conclusion

          The importance of acknowledging the presence and harm of bodily surveillance, fatphobia, and racism in dance cannot be understated. The pressure of Eurocentric aesthetics often fosters body policing behaviors and body dissatisfaction in all dancers, but notably almost always marginalizes and attacks fat dancers and dancers of color. In order to shift the oppressive lens through which dance aesthetics operate, the dance world must dismantle its practices of fat shaming and racial tracking, as well as require diversification efforts in dance studios, dance companies, and dancewear offerings. A transformation of the dance industry will likely also require acts of resistance by larger dancers and dancers of color through their infiltration of this predominantly thin, white space. Given that our bodies are political and that the personal is political, even small acts of resistance such as signing up for a dance class in spite of not fitting its expected aesthetic or asking local ballet stores to diversify their inventory can help redefine the aesthetic standard in dance and transform the dance industry for the better (Taylor 2017).

 

 

 

 

References

 

Angyal, Chloe. 2021. “The Unbearable Whiteness of Ballet.” Retrieved Dec. 11, 2022     

          (https://www.marieclaire.com/culture/a36187044/turning-pointe-book-ballet-racism/).

Bartky, Sandra L. 1997. “Foucault, Femininity, and the Modernization of Patriarchal Power.”

          Pp. 93-111 in Feminist Social Thought: A Reader, edited by D. T. Meyers. New York: Routledge.

Cardinal, Bradley J., Alyssa R. Whitney, Momoko Narimatsu, Nicole Hubert, and Brian J. Souza. 2014. “Obesity Bias in the Gym:

          An Under-Recognized Social Justice, Diversity, and Inclusivity Issue.” Journal of Physical Education, Recreation & Dance

          85(6):3-6.

Cardoso, Allana A., Nycolle Martins Reis, Jéssica Moratelli, Adriano Borgatto, Rui Resende, Fernanda C. de Souza Guidarini,

          and Adriana C. de Azevedo Guimarães. 2021. “Body Image Dissatisfaction, Eating Disorders, and Associated Factors in

          Brazilian Professional Ballroom Dancers.” Journal of Dance Medicine & Science 25(1):18-23.

Collins, Patricia H. 1990. “The Politics of Black Feminist Thought.” Pp. 1-19 in Black Feminist Thought: Knowledge,

          Consciousness, and the Politics of Empowerment, edited by P. H. Collins. New York: Routledge.

Farrell, Amy E. 2011. “Fat and the Un-Civilized Body.” Pp. 59-81 in Fat Shame: Stigma and the Fat Body in American Culture,

          edited by A. E. Farrell. New York: New York University Press.

Gardiner, Finn. 2020. “An Unacceptable Sacrifice: Fatphobia, Ableism, and the COVID-19Pandemic.” Retrieved Dec. 11, 2022

          (https://disabilityvisibilityproject.com/2020/03/30/ fatphobia-ableism-and-the-covid-19-pandemic/).

LeBesco, Kathleen. 2005. “Situating Fat Suits: Blackface, Drag, and the Politics of Performance.” Women & Performance: A

          Journal of Feminist Theory 15(2):231-242.

Patton, Tracey O. 2011. “Final I Just Want to Get My Groove On: An African American Experience with Race, Racism, and the

          White Aesthetic in Dance.” The Journal of Pan African Studies (Online) 4(6):104-125.

Robinson, Sekani. 2021. “Black Ballerinas: The Management of Emotional and Aesthetic Labor.” Sociological Forum 36(2):491-

          508.

Taylor, Sonya R. 2017. “Bodies as Resistance: Claiming the Political Act of Being Oneself.” Retrieved Dec. 11, 2022

          (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MWI9AZkuPVg).

Wiederholt, Emmaly. 2021. “Let’s Take an Honest Look at Fat Phobia in Dance.” Retrieved Dec. 11, 2022

          (https://stanceondance.com/2021/11/04/fat-phobia-in-dance/).

Weitz, Rose. 1998. “A History of Women’s Bodies.” Pp. 3-11 in The Politics of Women’s Bodies: Sexuality, Appearance, and

          Behavior, edited by R. Weitz. New York: Oxford University Press.

Yancy, George. 1998. “Review of Digging the Africanist Presence in American Performance: Dance and Other Contexts.” Pp.

          134-137 in Popular Music and Society, edited by G. Yancy. Oxfordshire, UK: Taylor & Francis.

Zippia. 2022a. “Ballet Dancer Demographics and Statistics in the US.” Retrieved Dec. 11, 2022 (https://www.zippia.com/ballet-

          dancer-jobs/demographics/).

Zippia. 2022b. “Dancer Demographics and Statistics in the US.” Retrieved Dec. 11, 2022 (https://www.zippia.com/dancer-

          jobs/demographics/).